Incredible photographs of Bobby Sands from August 1976, possibly the last taken of him before his arrest weeks later, have been discovered in the archive of French photographer Gérard Harlay. Gérard covered the conflict between 1972 and 1976 and last March donated his archive to, amongst others, the Bobby Sands Trust and the Museum of Free Derry. He plans to display at Féile an Phobail in 2022 (the fiftieth anniversary of him first coming to Ireland) a range of his extraordinary photographs of life in Belfast and Derry back then.
Resolution calls for continued dialogue and a peaceful resolution to the Brexit process, with particular emphasis on preventing a hard border
Washington, DC – Today, Congressman Tom Suozzi (D-Long Island, Queens) introduced a House Resolution supporting the Good Friday Agreement in the face of Brexit so we can ensure a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. The lead Republican sponsor is Suozzi’s Long Island colleague Congressman Peter King (R-NY). The resolution specifically:
“Ireland is one of the oldest and closest friends of the United States, and the Irish people have been a crucial part of the fabric of our nation for well over a century. We need to ensure that Brexit and other political challenges don’t threaten the peace process by reintroducing a hard border,” said Congressman Suozzi. “As a member of the House Ways and Means Committee, which has jurisdiction over any trade agreements between the United States and United Kingdom, I will fight to make a soft border and implementation of the Good Friday Agreement requirements for any negotiation.”
In addition to being a member of the House Ways and Means Committee, Congressman Suozzi is also a member of the bipartisan Friends of Ireland. On September 12, Suozzi joined Congressman Richard Neal, Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee and Friends of Ireland, for a meeting with Sinn Féin Chief Negotiator Conor Murphy on the status of Brexit and the peace process.
25 Years since historic IRA ceasefire
Today marks the 25th anniversary of the IRA ceasefire. The peace process and the dramatic changes that have taken place in the last quarter-century owe much to that courageous decision. Reflecting this week on the cessation, Gerry Adams wrote: "Looking back twenty five years ago to that period of our history and experience it is clear that dialogue, inclusive and based on equality, is central to any conflict resolution process – to any process of change. It is very telling that the then Leader of Unionism James Molyneaux described the cessation as ‘The most destabilising event since partition.’ "Twenty five years later this assertion remains an insightful reminder of the worm at the heart of political unionism. That is the fear of positive political change. It is self-evident now that if it had been left to the Unionist leaders and the British Government there would have not been a cessation. "Thankfully they did not have a vote at the IRA’s Army Council meeting which took that decision”.Posted by Sinn Féin Ireland on Thursday, August 29, 2019
The peace process and the dramatic changes that have taken place in the last quarter-century owe much to that courageous decision.
Reflecting this week on the cessation, Gerry Adams wrote:
"Looking back twenty five years ago to that period of our history and experience it is clear that dialogue, inclusive and based on equality, is central to any conflict resolution process – to any process of change. It is very telling that the then Leader of Unionism James Molyneaux described the cessation as ‘The most destabilising event since partition.’
"Twenty five years later this assertion remains an insightful reminder of the worm at the heart of political unionism. That is the fear of positive political change. It is self-evident now that if it had been left to the Unionist leaders and the British Government there would have not been a cessation.
"Thankfully they did not have a vote at the IRA’s Army Council meeting which took that decision”.
Speaking after she led a party delegation including Leas Uachtarán Michelle O’Neill and Conor Murphy MLA during an hour-long meeting with the new British Secretary of State Julian Smith Sinn Féin Uachtarán Mary Lou McDonald said:
“We stepped through all the outstanding rights issues with the new British Secretary of State and the issues which need to be resolved to ensure that the political institutions can be restored.
“It is crucial that we deliver inclusive, sustainable and good government for every citizen living in this part of Ireland.
“Sinn Féin made it clear there is a need to pick up momentum in the talks and we reminded him of his obligations to act with the rigorous impartiality required by the Good Friday Agreement.
“We challenged him on the cosy relationship between his party and the DUP.
“There must be an end to the dancing to the DUP agenda which has been about denying rights and creating a toxic political environment.
“We will put his commitment to be evenhanded to the test in the coming weeks.
“We told Mr Smith that Ireland will not be collateral damage in a Tory Brexit and that the DUP don’t speak for the majority of people, workers and businesses in the north who voted to remain.
“Sinn Féin is totally opposed to a reckless no-deal Brexit which jeopardises jobs, trade and political progress.
“We told him it is Sinn Féin’s position that in the event of a no-deal Brexit the people should be given an opportunity to vote for which union they want to be a part of in a unity referendum.
“And we pressed him to clarify for the people how in fact that unity referendum would be actioned as per the Good Friday Agreement.”
By Gerry Adams
June 6, 2019
The debate about the future, about a new Ireland and the demand for a referendum on Unity is growing. Civic nationalism in the North has found its voice and is energised on the demand for rights and for a Unity referendum. It is not alone in talking about this issue and discussing its implications.
Increasingly there are also voices being raised from within unionism on the issue of unity. In part this is because of the shambles that is Brexit and the social, political and economic implications this will have for all of society in the North and across our little island.
But demographic and political changes in northern society are also playing an important role in encouraging this debate. The 2011 census in the north was a watershed moment in the North’s political journey. Up to that point the issue of unity was for many – especially within unionism – an academic exercise on an outcome that many never thought would happen. The threat of unity was often used by unionist politicians to frighten unionist voters. But no one within the political leadership of unionism ever publicly acknowledged that fundamental change in the constitutional status of the North was ever a possibility. Why would they?
The northern state was a gerrymandered entity, created on the basis of a sectarian headcount. It provided unionism with what was believed in 1920 to be a permanent, in-built two thirds majority. Unionism then set about consolidating its dominance further through discrimination in housing and employment and in the gerrymandering of electoral boundaries.
Almost a century later the 2011 census – which for the first time asked citizens about their political identity – revealed that less than half (48%) identified as British. A report published in May – Sectarianism in Northern Ireland: A Review by Prof. Duncan Morrow examined the North’s changing demographics. It said: “There is a clear statistical trend towards a change in the religious minority-majority structure of Northern Ireland. On a strict analysis of identity, there is no longer a Protestant majority in Northern Ireland. There is a measurable trend towards a Catholic majority within Northern Ireland.”
While it acknowledged that it is uncertain the “extent to which this translates into choices about national identity” nonetheless the report reinforces the reality that significant demographic change is occurring.
This is underlined in the election results of recent years. In the 2017 Assembly election unionist parties lost their majority for the first time since partition. In the European election two weeks ago the combined nationalist vote was greater than that of the unionist parties and only one unionist MEP was elected. In the local government elections a few weeks earlier the total number of Unionist Councillors elected (206), from all of the Unionist parties, was less than 50% of the total number of Councillors for the North.
At the same time a Red C exit poll on May 24th in the local government and European elections in the South indicated that 65% of voters would vote in favour of a United Ireland if a referendum was held the following day. If you excluded undecided and non-voters 77% were in favour of Irish unity. This has been a consistent trend in almost every opinion poll going back decades in that part of the island.
That same weekend Eileen Paisley, the widow of former DUP Leader and First Minister Ian Paisley, said of partition; “perhaps that was a wrong division.” Mrs Paisley was speaking on a BBC radio programme.
When asked if she could live in a United Ireland Eileen Paisley said: “It would depend, I suppose on what, on how it was being ruled… I would like to think I could. It would take a lot to move me out of it … there are people of sense and sensibility who do not want to be fighting with their neighbours or their friends and who want to have it properly united.”
Writing in the Irish Times last Friday Alex Kane, a former director of communications for the Ulster Unionist party acknowledged that there will be a “border poll” and that “unionism needs to be ready for that eventuality.” He also disagreed with Seamus Mallon’s recent proposal that the Good Friday Agreement should be re-written to provide unionism with a further veto over progress. Kane said: “I disagree with him that 50.1 per cent wouldn’t be enough to constitute victory for unity: it would certainly be enough for me if it was the margin of victory for the pro-UK side.”
Last July, former First Minister Peter Robinson told the MacGill Summer School that while he did not think the North would want to leave the union with Britain he believed that it was important to prepare for the possibility of a united Ireland. Robinson said that he would accept the results of a poll. “As soon as that decision is taken every democrat will have to accept that decision.” He also said that unionists would want “protections.”
This need for ‘protections’ has long been recognised by republicans and nationalists. No one I know who wants a United Ireland believes that it should be any other than a warm house for unionism, built on a foundation of equality and inclusiveness. This is evident in the debate taking place on the unity issue.
At the start of the year the group called ‘Ireland’s Future’ held a very positive conference in Belfast’s Waterfront Hall to discuss the Brexit debacle (Beyond Brexit – The Future of Ireland). Last month it held an equally successful conference in Newry entitled "Our Rights Our Future". A central plank of its debates has focused on how unionism can be encouraged to engage on unity and what rights protections are needed to obviate any fears.
Sinn Féin may be the most vocal United Ireland party but we are not the only one. Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Irish Labour Party have dusted down their uniting Ireland positions. Some republicans may dismiss that as rhetoric from these parties. That misses the point. Of course it’s rhetoric. But it is also popular, so the Taoiseach and the Fianna Fáil leader will continue with it. Our task is to get them to move beyond the rhetoric. To follow the logic of their utterances. To move from platitudes to planning. Others too must be encouraged to engage in this necessary work if the questions that everyone is asking are to be answered.
So rhetoric is not enough. The Irish Government has a duty to plan for unity. There is a constitutional imperative on Dublin ‘to unite all the people who share the territory of the island of Ireland’. This cannot be accomplished without a plan. Uachtarán Shinn Féin, Mary Lou McDonald TD has called on the Irish Government to establish a Forum for Unity, to build for unity and plan for unity.
The Irish government needs to open up consultations on how this might be done.
This needs planned now. Not after the referendum. That is the one big lesson of Brexit. A referendum without a plan is stupid. So a referendum on unity must be set in a thoughtful inclusive process which sets out a programme of sustainable options. Including phases of transition.
What accommodations are needed to persuade political unionism that a United Ireland can work for it? Key to this is the need for it to be an agreed shared Ireland. What happens to the political institutions established by the Good Friday Agreement?
Winning support for a United Ireland is not just about persuading unionists although that is crucial. Everyone needs to be convinced of the advantages of unity – personal, economic, wages, health provision, environmental, cultural, peace, prosperity.
There will be a referendum on Irish Unity. I am confident of this. Winning that referendum is the biggest single challenge facing United Irelanders.